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Why Europe can't let Greek economy crumble: Don Pittis

As one of the world's richest and most powerful economies, the European Union cannot let a member state drown in debt or crumble under austerity. Quite fairly, the EU is wary of setting a precedent. But its credibility is at stake with Greece, Don Pittis writes.

EU must find solution that does not propose stripping elderly of pensions

As Greece runs out of money the country is being asked to cut back on pensions and increase austerity, leading to a new round of street protests. Financial analysts say the chance of default has risen to 70 per cent, but to protect its reputation, Europe must find a way to nurse Greece back to health, says Don Pittis. (Associated Press)

There are vultures in the financial community snapping their beaks andwaiting for a Graccident.

If you haven't heard the term before, Graccident is the latest rhetorical bastardizationof the English languageafter Grexit, wherein you attach the first letters in Greece to something bad.

In this case,Graccidentmeans that despite everyone's best intentions to patch up a solution to the Mediterranean country'seconomic woes, at some point things will gohorribly wrong. TheGreek financial house of cards will fall and the country will crashout of the eurozone,sendingGreecespinning into bankruptcy and a perilousfuture.

While Greece's leaders willsuffer if the country accidentally collapses, the reputationaldamage for the European Union willbe much worse.

And worst of all, the only ones who will benefit if it happens are thosefinancial vultures betting fortunes on bond spreads and other derivatives that will make them a pile if everything goes sour.

"A precarious situation in Greece is getting worse and the probability of an accident in which governments both in Greece and the rest of Europe lose control is high," said well-known economic commentator MohamedEl-Erian on the business TV networkCNBCearlier this month.

Playing chicken

When two sides in a financial negotiation are playing chicken, there is always a possibility that both will think the other will giveway at the last minute. Accidents do happen.

Graffiti crumbles along with the wall of an abandoned house in Athens, the capital of a country that has also lost its economic way. (Petros Giannakouris/Associated Press)
This time, neither side can afford it.

You can see why the Europeans have been reluctant to cave in. It is a classic case of moral hazard, where, if a person, business orcountry gets away with something once, there is nothing to stop them from doing the same thing again.

In this case, the idea is that Greeks ran up huge debts. Greeks, through their governments, made deals to borrow even more money to keep their economy afloat. The moral hazard argument would say that if Greeks don't keep to their side of the deal, they should be made to suffer the consequences.

For the EU, the moral hazardcase goes far beyond Greece. It is only one of 28 countries in the union. Anything Brusselsdoes for one member country becomes a precedent for what it may be asked todo for other members in the future.

The gloomiest of the Europeans fear a wave of copycat defaults as more countries elect governments to repudiate debts and demand relief.

Default risk 70%

The financial press has been playing up the technical side of the negotiations, discussing drop dead dates and timelines for IMF payments. One such article on the financial websiteZerohedgequotes Deutsche Bank as saying "The Greek Endgame is Here" and that chances of a default are now at 70 per cent.

If European politiciansleave people who think like that in charge the chances of a Graccidentwill become seriously worse.

Whilelegalisms are the tools and pressure pointsof any negotiation, the real issues go to the heart of European politics and what it means to be a member of a union.

Economically, Greece has lost its way. Austerity has not worked. More austerity will not improve things. Its citizens are outraged.

The Greek economy continues to shrink, money continues to flood out, its banks are in danger of collapse.Piling more debt onto its future bill is absurd. Climbing out from under such a burden is completely unlikely.

Stripping its elderly of their pensions, as one solution required, is un-European. Condemning its children to poverty isworse because it destroys the future. This is not what Europeans want to be seen doing.

When disaster strikes

According to recent statistics from Eurostat, the Greek economy only represents between one and two per cent of Europe's. By the standards of the entire union, its debts are tiny.

From the standpoint of moral hazard, the hardship Greece has seen may beuseful. It is hard to seeother European countrieswanting to go through the same financial wringer.

When disaster strikes one member of a union, whether it is an earthquake, flood or financial trouble, it is essential for the rest of the members of that union to step forward and nurse the battered one back to health.

In the case of Greece it will not be easy. It is not a short-term project. But if anyone on Earth has the smarts and the wealth to bring the Greek economy back from the brink, it is the Europeans.

The details need to be worked out, the negotiations should be tough. But the European politicians have to clearly state that ultimately they will back Greece.

They must stand on the principle that when memberstates get into trouble, they will not be sent nakedinto the desert to live or die alone, and as each one falls, leavethe vultures to pick their bones.