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WorldAnalysis

Embassies unstaffed, military gaps: America's toxic politics spills into foreign affairs

The toxicity of American politics is spilling into foreign affairs, with domestic fights about abortion and other social issues stalling the hiring of hundreds of diplomatic and military positions. As the U.S. prepares for a long-term showdown with China, some allies look to Washington with trepidation.

Domestic battles over abortion, LGBTQ issues stall U.S. military promotions, diplomatic appointments

A reddish dawn rises over the U.S. Capitol, with several members of a military honour guard in the foreground
In the U.S. Congress, military and diplomatic appointments are being stalled over unrelated domestic disputes over abortion and LGBTQ rights. Meanwhile, the country is also facing major foreign challenges. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)

A jarring split-screen reality will come into focus this week, highlighting grand American ambitions internationally amid political dysfunction back home.

As the U.S. and China compete for influence, two cabinet members are making yet another trip to the Indo-Pacific, a region with vital naval hubs and shipping lanes: it's the 12th and eighth trip there for the secretaries of state and defence.

Meanwhile, at home, the U.S.'s notoriously bitter domestic politics isspilling into international issues in novel ways with battles over abortion andLGBTQissues stalling everything from U.S. militaryhiringandpromotions, to diplomatic appointments and a newmilitary budget.

After the Supreme Court limited abortion access last summer, the military started funding leavesto allowpersonnel to have the proceduresin pro-choice states.

This prompted Republican Sen.Tommy Tuberville of Alabamato start systematically blocking Senate military confirmations.

Three soldiers in camouflage, hugging while crouched on ground behind a machine gun on a mount
The U.S. is looking to build alliances in the Indo-Pacific region, a focal point of its tension with China, as seen here during a U.S.-Philippines military exercise this spring. (Eloisa Lopez/Reuters)

It's the same in U.S. diplomacy: Nearly three dozen countries lackU.S.ambassadorsdue to a blockade in the Senate, where Republican Rand Paul wants more information on theorigins of COVID-19.

As well, an updated military budgethas beenpaused over the above-mentioned abortion issue, as well as diversity initiativesand gender-affirming care, which Republicans want removed from the Pentagon budget.

U.S. allies vent frustrations

Aside from all this, U.S. President Joe Biden recently had to cancel what would have been a historic first trip to a Pacific island nation at the centre of the U.S.-China power struggle; he was back in Washington amid a Congressional crisis over the debt ceiling.

One Pacific ally was in Washington last week recounting his pastfrustrations dealing with the U.S. political system, saying it creates doubts among America's friends.

Surangel Whipps, the president of Palau, noted that it took eight years forCongress to confirmpermanent funding fora security and economic pactbetween the two countriesas Democrats and Republicans grappled with other issues.

Man seated on couch
Palau President Surangel Whipps Jr., seen here in June, was in Washington this month. He says people in his area are worried about U.S. politics. (John Geddie/Reuters)

Whipps told a Washington audience ataFoundation for Defense of Democracies gatheringthat Palau is a model U.S. ally it's blocked plans for a Chinese casino next to a U.S. radar site, and it wants to rip up and replace the country's Huawei cellular infrastructure.

But with the U.S.-Palau pact again up for renewal, Whippssaid he hoped to avoid a repeat of last time.

"If the relationship is that important, you have to show it,"hetold the audience, noting that alliesdon't want to see the U.S. so caught up ininternal politicsthat it ignores international responsibilities.

"Because I think that's what our people at home kind of fear sometimes you know, we see how divided [Capitol] Hill is."

Senator walks with reporters trailing him
U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, in an effort to get more information about the origins of COVID-19, has stalled all confirmations to senior U.S. diplomatic posts. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)

Political polarization isn't all bad. Robust debate can reduce the risk of groupthink and related errors, and is part of whatmakes democracies resilient.

Generations ago, political scientistscomplainedabout the opposite problem: that U.S. political parties were too similar andthey agreed too much.

But several scholars who study the interplay between domestic and foreign politics say the U.S. has swung way beyond the healthy level.

"I think it is a big problem," said Jordan Tama, who specializes in domestic politics and foreign policy at American University.

"We are shooting ourselves in the foot not putting in place key national-security officials It's troubling."

Blinken motioning from podium
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, seen during a media conference on July 14, is making his 12th trip to the Indo-Pacific region, an area of increasingly intense U.S. focus. (Ajeng Dinar Ulfiana/Reuters)

Foreign policy at loggerheads is nothingnew

Another type of polarization involvessubstantive disagreements on foreign affairs that see the U.S. zigzaggingon certain policiesfrom one administration to the next.

The Paris climate accord, the Iran nuclear dealand the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact, for example, wereall policies adopted under Barack Obama andcancelled under Donald Trump. Insome cases, they're now being renewed under Biden.

One scholar of international relations joked that this is the reason Secretary of State Antony Blinken has made 12 trips to the Indo-Pacific and probably needs to do 12 more.

Peter Trubowitz said the world is dizzy from trying to follow these U.S. foreign policy zigzags and figure out whether the country's current positionswill survive the next election.

"America's allies need to be reassured," said Trubowitz, an American and director of the U.S.-focused Phelan Centre at the London School of Economics.

"One of the reasons they need to be reassured is because the United States is so deeply polarized."

At Clemson University in South Carolina, political scientist JeffreyPeakehas tried chartingone reason this matters: a collapse in frequency of U.S. international treaties.

Between the Second World War and the presidency of George W. Bush, Peakecounts an average of 16 treaties per year submitted for approval by the U.S. Senate. That dropped to four per year under Obama.

During the last two presidencies, it's eroded to one a year.

Because it's gotten harder to pass a treaty through Congress,Peake sayspresidents just signagreements that aren't entrenched in law, making it easy for a successor to simply cancel them. As Trump did, for example, with the climate accord.

Black and white photo of two men standing and smiling
Foreign policy paralysis has happened before. When Woodrow Wilson, left, tried creating the League of Nations in 1919, the U.S. Senate blocked American participation. Some analysts say the current level of partisanship is without precedent since the U.S. became a global superpower. (Reuters)

Global implications

These types of actions havemajor global implications, according to Peake."The world doesn't really address climate change without the U.S. on board."

And bitter disagreements about international affairs aren't new. In one famous example from 1919,the U.S. Senate rejected Woodrow Wilson's plan for the precursor to the United Nations; the idea lay dormant for another three decades, through another world war.

The Senate later rejected the UN's genocide convention for four decades, arms-control treaties and various climate accords. The chamber has also often blocked appointments over disputes.

But Peake sayswhat's happening in Washington right now is nota foreign policy disagreement it's about foreign policy becoming hostage to domestic disputes.

And it's triggered separate blockadesofsenior military and senior diplomaticconfirmations.

A smiling profile picture
Former football coach Tommy Tuberville, now a U.S. senator for Alabama, says a policy to fund abortions for military personnel has no basis in law. So he's launched a blockade against senior military appointments in hopes of forcing a reversal of the policy. (Evelyn Hockstein/Reuters)

"This is not something you see typically in U.S. history," Peake said, noting that in normal times, Alabama voters would punishTuberville for blocking the confirmations.

Instead, because the U.S. is so polarized, they're more likelyto reward him for standing up to Democrats.

The benefits of messy debate

There are many examples throughout U.S. history where a little more argument might have helped matters.

In 2003, for example,there was little opposition to the Iraq warin Congress. OrMcCarthyism and theRed Scare of the 1950s, abetted by bipartisan groupthink.

The catastrophic war in Vietnam is another example. In 1964, after only 40 minutes of debate, Congress voted to increase its military involvement in Vietnam the vote was 416-0 in the House of Representatives and 88-2 in the Senate.

"Bipartisanship is not a cure-all," Trubowitz said. "Too much of anything can be a bad thing."

Soldier in military fatigues with face covered in black grime.
There are many examples in U.S. history of time when vigorous debate would have helped matters. Including during the Vietnam war, when the U.S. voted to increase its military action after almost no discussion and a 416-0 vote in Congress. (Reuters)

Jim Carafano, a national-security analyst who served on Donald Trump's presidential transition teamand has a long military and history background, said the unfilled positionsare not ideal.

"It is problematic," Carafano said of the military vacancies, which he sayscreate inconveniences and planning problems, but he doesn't think they're debilitating. Besides, he says there's no example of an urgent foreign crisis where the U.S. was prevented from acting.

"Is it hamstringing the [American] giant, you know, tying us down like Gulliver with the Lilliputians? I don't see that."

His bottom-line view: democracy is resilient.

The current logjams, Carafanosays, will eventually clear, voting coalitions will eventually undergo one of their transformative realignmentsand the parties will look different.

It's a view as old as American history.

When he visited the U.S. at the dawn of the republic,French writer Alexis de Tocqueville remarked that autocratic rule looksstable until it isn't. Democracy, he wrote, looks messy but it's sturdy.

Then again, he also wrote that democracies are bad at handling foreign affairs.

Now, the U.S., the world's self-described oldest democracy,seems determined to test both theories at once, confronting great foreign challengeswhile there's so much squabbling in the household.